File Name: marxist and socialist feminism .zip
Kinds of Feminism.
Socialist feminism usually refers to the fourth branch of the classic four theories of second-wave feminism. An attempt to synthesize the insights of the other feminist theories, starting with Show page numbers Download PDF.
Socialist feminism rose in the s and s as an offshoot of the feminist movement and New Left that focuses upon the interconnectivity of the patriarchy and capitalism. This was done in an essay in which latter coined the term 'the personal is political. Socialist feminists argue that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and cultural sources of women's oppression.
Socialist feminists reject radical feminism's main claim that patriarchy is the only, or primary, source of oppression of women. Women are subjects to male domination within capitalism due to an uneven balance in wealth.
They see economic dependence as the driving force of women's subjugation to men. Further, Socialist feminists see women's liberation as a necessary part of larger quest for social, economic, and political justice.
Socialist feminists attempted to integrate the fight for women's liberation with the struggle against other oppressive systems based on race, class, sexual orientation, or economic status.
Socialist feminism draws upon many concepts found in Marxism , such as a historical materialist point of view, which means that they relate their ideas to the material and historical conditions of people's lives.
Thus, Socialist feminists consider how the sexism and gendered division of labor of each historical era is determined by the economic system of the time. Those conditions are largely expressed through capitalist and patriarchal relations.
Socialist feminists reject the Marxist notion that class and class struggle are the only defining aspects of history and economic development. According to Socialist feminists, this view of gender oppression as a sub-class of class oppression is naive, and much of the work of Socialist feminists has gone towards specifying how gender and class work together to create distinct forms of oppression and privilege for women and men of each class.
For example, they observe that women's class status is generally derivative of her husband's class or occupational status, e. In the decades following the Cold War , feminist writer and scholar Sarah Evans says that the socialist feminist movement has lost traction in the West due to a common narrative that associates socialism with totalitarianism and dogma. Post , the socialist feminist party grew in many ways in expanding. Going forward it is described to need a total change in both the economic and social system to create the lasting improvement that the socialist feminism movement is looking for.
Kristen R Ghodsee argues, in her book "why women have better sex under socialism", that free markets discriminate against women as big bosses consider women to be less reliable, weaker and more emotional which leads to the gender pay gap as they need financial incentives to employ them.
Socialist feminist Claudia Jones worked to incorporate Black women, other working women of color, and their needs into The Communist Party in the 's. This is because most of the issues The Communist Party addressed had to do with the white, male proletariat. Jones theoretical background rests at the intersection of Marxism , Black Nationalism , and Feminism thus resulting in her contextualization and expansion upon "Triple Oppression", or the notion that Black and Brown women experience oppression based on race, class, and gender.
Jones further argues that white women, much less Black and Brown working women, would never be liberated if the structures of colonialism were not abolished and Black Nationalism were not adopted. Feminist historian Linda Gordon asserts that socialist feminism is inherently intersectional, at least to a certain degree, because it takes into account both gender and class. Gordon says that because the foundation of socialist feminism rests on multiple axes, socialist feminism has a history of intersectionality that can be traced back to a period decades before Dr.
Kennedy says that many of the first women's studies programs were established by socialist feminist theorists. Despite the supposed presence of intersectionality in socialist feminism, many feminists, particularly women of color, critique the movement for perceived deficiencies in regards to racial equity.
In Kennedy's account of socialist feminism's impact on women's studies, she says that a lack of Black voices in feminist academia contributed to whitewashing of women's studies programs and courses. According to Bhavani and Coulson, race, class, and gender are inextricably linked, and the exclusion of any one of these factors from one's worldview would result in an incomplete understanding of the systems of privilege and oppression they say constitute our society.
Harriss describes marginalized women's grievances with the Women's Liberation Movement , a large socialist feminist group. She says many lesbian women criticized the movement for its domination by heterosexual feminists who perpetuated heterosexism in the movement.
Similarly, Black women asserted that they were deprived a voice due to the overwhelming majority of white women in the WLM advocating widely held views regarding violence against women, the family, and reproductive rights that failed to account for the distinct struggles faced by women of color. They assert that cooking, cleaning, doing laundry, and all other activities that are deemed domestic work do constitute as actual work.
Wheeler and Thompson assert that people, or labor, are needed for capitalism to function and that without women producing children as well as fulfilling these domestic activities, capitalism would fail. Flora Tristian , French socialist activist, in her piece "Why I mention Women" published in , argued that women and girls do not receive education because they are tasked with domestic duties.
Girls and women, according to Tristan, thus cannot obtain gainful employment outside of the domestic sphere due to their neglect in their education and forced preoccupation with cleaning, cooking, and tending to children. Socialist feminists highlight how motherhood and the gendered division of labor grows "naturally" from women's role as mothers, is the source of women's exclusion from the public sphere, and creates women's economic dependence on men.
They assert that there is nothing natural about the gendered division of labor and show that the expectation that women perform all or most reproductive labor , i. In order to free themselves from the conditions of work as a mother and housekeeper, socialist feminists such as Charlotte Perkins Gilman saw the professionalization of housework as key. This would be done by hiring professional nannies and housekeepers to take the load of domestic work away from the woman in the house.
These changes would necessitate the communalization of meal preparation and consumption outside the home and free women from their burden of providing meals on a house-by-house scale. Socialist feminists claim that toxic masculinity is not only damaging to men but also women and non-binary folk.
This is because the pressure on men to adhere to gender roles and in particular a gender binary feeds to the crisis of male suicide, rape culture and the normalisation of violence. Socialist feminist theories have been used to highlight the economic disparities amongst women on a global scale. Contemporary socialist feminists have shifted their concerns from uncompensated house labor to the insufficient pay women receive for work done outside the home.
Although some women have secured high-paying male-dominated jobs, most find work in service, clerical, agriculture, and light industrial work. The gender pay gap has been produced and sustained through patriarchal and capitalist conditions. The feminization and devaluation of service-based jobs have subjected women to low wages.
The lack of access women have to alternative employment which may harbor higher pay, has increased the wage gap. Households that cannot hire additional aid for domestic duties limit the hours women are able to work outside their homes—having to do both outside and inside labor results in the uncompensated "second shift", expanding the gap.
Women's work is considered "secondary wages" under patriarchy. Tong claims that "women are paid less simply because they are women, a very disturbing thought to say the least. The gender pay gap is an issue that is especially prevalent in the United States.
In Feminist Policy and Human Nature ,  Allison Jagger describes the biological differences between women and men that would affect job performance namely "Most evidently, women's reproductive functions may mean that women have needs for pregnancy leave, maternity services and arrangements for easy access to their nursing babies. Forcing women to take unpaid maternity leave goes into the issue of the gender wage gap since women have reproductive needs that go far beyond men but are not compensated for that.
In looking at the amount of unpaid labor that women have worked over centuries is a major issue regarding unpaid labor in the house and in childcare. Women in capitalism are not compensated for their role in the household including housework, cooking, cleaning, childcare and the cost of carrying and delivering a child.
If housewives do not like the conditions of their work they are hardly free to move to another household; instead, they are tied by an elaborate legal contract which can only be broken on special grounds. Marriage is, in fact, a relation that is remarkably similar to the feudal relation of vassalage; it provides a means for exchanging support and protection from the husband in return for services and devotion from the wife.
This idea of women's unpaid labor is more than simply the housework and childcare services; it's the fact that the labor housewives did was considered compulsory instead of labor. This is the type of thinking and mentality that the socialist feminism and women who want more of these. In , there was an international women's strike protesting the unfair treatment of women in today's society.
The strikes in each country were focused on an injustice in that specific country. In the United States women protested by not working or spending money to show how much influence women have.
Anarcha-feminism , also called anarchist feminism and anarcho-feminism, combines anarchism with feminism. It generally views patriarchy as a manifestation of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association. Anarcha-feminists believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class struggle , and the anarchist struggle against the state. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa.
Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". He argued that "[e]qual rights must belong to men and women" so that women can "become independent and be free to forge their own way of life".
Bakunin foresaw the end of "the authoritarian juridical family " and "the full sexual freedom of women. Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Emma Goldman , Voltairine de Cleyre and Lucy Parsons.
In Argentina, Virginia Bolten is responsible for the publication of a newspaper called La Voz de la Mujer The Woman's Voice , which was published nine times in Rosario between 8 January and 1 January , and was revived, briefly, in A similar paper with the same name was reportedly published later in Montevideo , which suggests that Bolten may also have founded and edited it after her deportation.
Its central theme was that of the multiple nature of women's oppression. An editorial asserted, "We believe that in present-day society nothing and nobody has a more wretched situation than unfortunate women. Its feminism can be seen from its attack on marriage and upon male power over women. Its contributors, like anarchist feminists elsewhere, developed a concept of oppression that focused on gender oppression.
Marriage was a bourgeois institution which restricted women's freedom, including their sexual freedom. Marriages entered into without love, fidelity maintained through fear rather than desire, oppression of women by men they hated—all were seen as symptomatic of the coercion implied by the marriage contract. It was this alienation of the individual's will that the anarchist feminists deplored and sought to remedy, initially through free love and then, and more thoroughly, through social revolution.
Mujeres Libres was an anarchist women's organization in Spain that aimed to empower working class women. The organization was based on the idea of a "double struggle" for women's liberation and social revolution and argued that the two objectives were equally important and should be pursued in parallel. In order to gain mutual support, they created networks of women anarchists.
Flying day-care centres were set up in efforts to involve more women in union activities. Working under a male pen name , she was able to explore lesbian themes  at a time when homosexuality was criminalized and subject to censorship and punishment.
In the past decades, two films have been produced about anarcha-feminism. Libertarias is a historical drama made in about the Spanish anarcha-feminist organization Mujeres Libres.
Marxist feminism is a sub-type of feminist theory which focuses on the social institutions of private property and capitalism to explain and criticize gender inequality and oppression. According to Marxist feminists, private property gives rise to economic inequality, dependence, political and domestic struggle between the sexes, and is the root of women's oppression in the current social context. Marxist feminism's foundation is laid by Friedrich Engels in his analysis of gender oppression in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State He argues that a woman's subordination is not a result of her biological disposition but of social relations, and that men's efforts to achieve their demands for control of women's labor and sexual faculties have gradually solidified and become institutionalized in the nuclear family.
Through a Marxist historical perspective, Engels analyzes the widespread social phenomena associated with female sexual morality, such as fixation on virginity and sexual purity, incrimination and violent punishment of women who commit adultery , and demands that women be submissive to their husbands. Ultimately, Engels traces these phenomena to the recent development of exclusive control of private property by the patriarchs of the rising slaveowner class in the ancient mode of production, and the attendant desire to ensure that their inheritance is passed only to their own offspring: chastity and fidelity are rewarded, says Engels, because they guarantee exclusive access to the sexual and reproductive faculty of women possessed by men from the property-owning class.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were against the demonization of men and supported a proletariat revolution that would overcome as many male—female inequalities as possible.
As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin   and Alexandra Kollontai ,   counterposed Marxism against bourgeois feminism, rather than trying to combine them.
Orthodox Marxists argue that most Marxist forerunners claimed by feminists or Marxist feminists including Clara Zetkin   and Alexandra Kollontai   were against capitalist forms of feminism. They agreed with the main Marxist movement that feminism was a bourgeois ideology counterposed to Marxism and against the working class.
Instead of feminism, the Marxists supported the more radical political program of liberating women through socialist revolution, with a special emphasis on work among women and in materially changing their conditions after the revolution. Orthodox Marxists view the later attempt to combine Marxism and feminism as a liberal creation of academics and reformist leftists who want to make alliances with bourgeois feminists.
Socialist feminism rose in the s and s as an offshoot of the feminist movement and New Left that focuses upon the interconnectivity of the patriarchy and capitalism. This was done in an essay in which latter coined the term 'the personal is political. Socialist feminists argue that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and cultural sources of women's oppression. Socialist feminists reject radical feminism's main claim that patriarchy is the only, or primary, source of oppression of women. Women are subjects to male domination within capitalism due to an uneven balance in wealth.
For socialist feminism, patriarchy overlapped but differed from the Marxist emphasis on the primacy of capitalism and class exploitation. Socialist feminism sought.
A good place to situate the start of theoretical debates about women, class and work is in the intersection with Marxism and feminism. To the extent to which women do organize themselves as a political group cutting across traditional class lines, under what conditions are they a conservative influence as opposed to a progressive force for social change? Considerable research in the past 30 years has been devoted to women and work in the context of shifting divisions of labor globally Ehrenreich and Hochschild
Socialist feminism , which connected the oppression of women to other oppressions in society, became increasingly important in the feminist theory that crystallized into academic feminist thought during the s. How was socialist feminism different from other kinds of feminism? Socialist feminism was often contrasted with cultural feminism , which focused on the unique nature of women and highlighted the need for woman-affirming culture.
Это заявление не оставляло места обвинениям в сексуальном домогательстве, однако как-то один из старших криптографов по глупости решил проверить справедливость слов шефа. Однажды, в первый год своей работы в агентстве, Сьюзан заглянула в комнату новых криптографов за какими-то бумагами. Уже направляясь к двери, она увидела свое фото на доске объявлений и едва не лишилась чувств.
Бринкерхофф возмутился. - У нас ничего такого не случалось. - Вот. - Она едва заметно подмигнула. - В этом все и .
В одной урановое, в другой плутониевое. Это два разных элемента. Люди на подиуме перешептывались. - Уран и плутоний! - воскликнул Джабба, и в его голосе впервые послышались нотки надежды. - Нам нужно установить разницу между этими элементами. - Он повернулся к бригаде своих помощников. - Кто знает, какая разница между этими элементами.
Она была потрясена. Прямо перед ней во всю стену был Дэвид, его лицо с резкими чертами. - Сьюзан, я хочу кое о чем тебя спросить. - Звук его голоса гулко раздался в комнате оперативного управления, и все тут же замерли, повернувшись к экрану. - Сьюзан Флетчер, выйдете за меня замуж. В комнате зашушукались. С одного из столов на пол упали подставка для бумаг и стакан с карандашами, но никто даже не пошевельнулся, чтобы их поднять.
- Он прикинул в уме, сколько в этой пачке в пересчете на доллары.
Сьюзан, не поднимая глаз, поджала ноги и продолжала следить за монитором. Хейл хмыкнул. Сьюзан уже привыкла к агрессивному поведению Хейла. Его любимым развлечением было подключаться к ее компьютеру, якобы для того, чтобы проверить совместимость оборудования.
Подумать. - Что вы имеете в виду. - Да он смеялся над нами. Это же анаграмма.
Тогда, кто бы ни стал обладателем ключа, он скачает себе нашу версию алгоритма.
Само здание также было гигантских размеров - его площадь составляла более двух миллионов квадратных футов, вдвое больше площади штаб-квартиры ЦРУ. Внутри было протянуто восемь миллионов футов телефонного кабеля, общая площадь постоянно закрытых окон составляла восемьдесят тысяч квадратных футов. Сьюзан рассказала Дэвиду про КОМИ НТ, подразделение глобальной разведки, в распоряжении которого находилось немыслимое количество постов прослушивания, спутников-шпионов и подслушивающих устройств по всему земному шару. Ежедневно тысячи сообщений и разговоров перехватывались и посылались экспертам АНБ для дешифровки. Разведданные, поставляемые агентством, влияли на процесс принятия решений ФБР, ЦРУ, а также внешнеполитическими советниками правительства США.
Здесь все было подчинено одному требованию - эффективности. Стол, накрытый стеклом, и черный кожаный стул были расположены прямо перед громадным венецианским окном. Три шкафа-картотеки стояли в углу рядом с маленьким столиком с французской кофеваркой.
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