File Name: language emotion and politics in south india writer.zip
Highly identified group members would protect the identity of the group in situations when group norms are violated. High caste norms are associated with moral values while the lower caste norms are associated with immorality. Then, participants had to choose from nine pictorial depictions representing the protagonists in the story on a vertical line, with varying degrees of status distance.
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For women like me, what is MeToo? Poverty and stigma mean we can never speak out. There is no place safe for women like us. Not our workplaces, nor our homes, and not the road we take. In , Bhanwari Devi, a government social worker in the north Indian state of Rajasthan, was gang-raped in front of her husband by higher caste neighbors angered by her efforts to stop a child marriage in their family.
Justice eluded Bhanwari Devi. A lower court acquitted the accused of rape and convicted them with lesser offenses for which they served nine months in jail. But public outrage and activism catalyzed by her ordeal paved the way for new legal protections against sexual harassment in the workplace for millions of Indian women. The act was a significant legislative step for India but for most women workers in the country, especially those in the informal sector, the law exists only on paper.
Government enforcement of this law is so poor that if the attack against Bhanwari Devi happened today, she would still be unlikely to get justice. After the global MeToo movement erupted in October , with millions of survivors posting to social media about their own experiences of gender-based violence, many women in India—mostly from the media and entertainment business, as well as others able to access social media in English—started using the hashtag to publicize their accounts of abuse.
This led to new public scrutiny of high-profile male figures and led to some resignations and legal action. However, in part because it was led on social media, the MeToo movement in India excluded women from the informal sector, where 95 percent of women are employed.
Based on 85 interviews with women working in both the formal and informal sectors, trade union officials, labor and women rights activists, lawyers, and academics, Human Rights Watch found limited government efforts to enforce the law and gaps in mechanisms to protect women in the informal or unorganized sector, such as millions of domestic workers and those employed by the government to implement various welfare schemes.
Although more women are speaking out against sexual harassment in the formal sector, and companies are slowly taking steps to comply with the law, activists said that women still find it difficult to report because of stigma, fear of retribution, and because they fear a drawn-out justice process that often fails them. In , the Supreme Court introduced the Vishaka Guidelines.
However, the guidelines failed to explicitly address sexual harassment of women in the informal sector—a group now numbering some million. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal Act widened the definition of the workplace and covered the informal sector, including domestic workers. Popularly known as the POSH Act, it provides protection to all workers in the public and private sectors including health, sports, education, or government institutions, and any place visited by the employee during the course of her employment, including transportation.
The law defines sexual harassment as physical contact and advances, or a demand or request for sexual favors, or making sexually colored remarks, or showing pornography, or any other unwelcome physical, verbal, or non-verbal conduct of sexual nature. Any of these acts whether direct or implied, constitute sexual harassment under the law.
It provides an alternative to filing a criminal complaint with police, instead mandating employers to set up committees in case of a private company, or local government officials in case of the informal sector, to hear complaints, conduct inquiries, and recommend action to be taken against perpetrators.
This can range from a written apology to termination of employment. But unlike a criminal case that could drag on for years, the complaints committees are expected to offer quick and effective remedy. The government is also responsible for developing training and educational materials, organizing awareness programs, monitoring implementation of the law, and maintaining data on the number of cases of sexual harassment filed and resolved in the workplace.
Most women, it found, chose not to report sexual harassment to management because of stigma, fear of retribution, embarrassment, lack of awareness of reporting policies, or lack of confidence in the complaints mechanism. It also found that most organizations still failed to comply with the law, or members of Internal Committees did not understand the process adequately. There are no studies in India that document the extent to which sexual harassment in the workplace contribute to women leaving their jobs.
There is no data or a substantive quantitative study on sexual harassment, and none at all in the informal sector. Garima name changed , a nursing officer who had sought protection and redress from her employers at a government hospital, complained to the Delhi Commission for Women in about the proceedings of the Internal Committee.
The committee, which was formed only after her complaint, consisted of people that were already aware of the problems but had failed to intervene because the accused was their supervisor. The Internal Committee worked to protect him. The Delhi Commission for Women held a hearing for her and said they would forward her complaint to the district-level Local Committee for investigation.
Garima said she was not called by the Local Committee for a hearing. Instead, the commission informed her in February that the committee filed a final report quoting police officials saying she did not have enough evidence to prove her case.
Said Garima:. Seven years after the law was enacted, the government has not published any data or information on the functioning or effectiveness of Local Committees that are responsible for dealing with sexual harassment complaints in the informal sector. A study by the Martha Farrell Foundation and Society for Participatory Research in Asia based on Right to Information requests to districts in the country found many districts had failed to establish the committees or constitute them in line with the legal provisions.
Even where they existed, it is difficult to find any information on websites or public spaces displaying their names and location. The study also found a lack of awareness regarding roles and responsibilities among the committee members, indicating a lack of capacity to handle sexual harassment complaints.
Out of districts in the country, 29 percent replied that they had formed Local Committees, while 15 percent had not done so. The majority, 56 percent, did not respond. By May , even in the capital, Delhi, only 8 out of 11 districts had constituted Local Committees. Anagha Sarpotdar, chair of the Mumbai city district Local Committee since , said that by May , the committee had only received five complaints, all from the formal sector. She said:. The central and state governments, which employ millions of women to implement schemes related to health, nutrition, education, and social welfare, have failed to take steps to protect these workers.
The women are considered part-time or volunteers, earn low wages, and form part of the informal sector. This includes 2. For instance, Nisha name changed , 36, an ASHA worker in Haryana, described how normalized and rampant sexual harassment can be:. They only tell us that if there is an emergency at any time, we have to respond to the call.
Domestic workers are another significant category of workers who are especially at risk of sexual harassment and violence due to their isolation in private homes and their exclusion from many key labor protections guaranteed other workers.
Human Rights Watch has previously documented that women often face humiliation and mistrust at police stations when they go to complain of sexual violence, and that criminal cases can drag on in courts for years, leaving survivors vulnerable to threats and loss of work days when they attend hearings.
This same phenomenon also makes most women domestic workers reluctant to complain. Shalini name changed , 37, a domestic worker in Gurgaon, said she was sexually harassed for months by a security guard of the residential apartment complex where she worked as a part-time domestic worker.
Shalini has been associated with the Martha Farrell Foundation for a few years now and is aware of the POSH Act, but she does not believe she would ever report a case:. Sexual harassment in Indian garment factories as well as the serious gaps in monitoring and addressing these abuses is disturbingly prevalent, say activists. Even though the industry largely employs women, the management remains mostly male.
Women reported lewd comments, invasive questions about their sex lives, stalking, and propositions for sexual favors in exchange for a lighter workload and time off. Powerful men also use legal intimidation tactics to fend off their accusers.
In October , at least 20 women accused M. Akbar, then-minister of state for external affairs, of sexual misconduct over several years during his career as a newspaper editor. He resigned as minister, but filed a criminal defamation case against Priya Ramani, a woman journalist who first wrote about his abusive conduct. It is evident no one is speaking about sexual harassment anymore. The moment came and went.
Criminal defamation, by virtue of the disproportionate penalty it imposes on speech, violates the right to freedom of expression as guaranteed under international law and should not be used as a legal response to complaints of sexual harassment.
Civil defamation cases can also be used for intimidation. Other men accused of workplace sexual harassment in India have brought civil defamation cases against complainants. Pachauri, filed a civil defamation case against one of the women who had accused him of sexual harassment. He also filed a case against her lawyer, Vrinda Grover, and included several media outlets in the suit, for publicly revealing the statements of the women who had accused him of sexual harassment.
Grover said:. In June , the International Labour Organization ILO adopted a landmark treaty that established new global standards to prevent and respond to violence and harassment in the world of work. The treaty sets out minimum obligations for how governments should prevent and protect people from violence at work.
This includes ensuring robust national laws against harassment and violence at work and adopting a gender-responsive, inclusive, and integrated strategy. The treaty requires prevention measures, including information campaigns, and special attention to sectors with heightened risk of violence and harassment.
It also requires enforcement—such as inspections and investigations, and access to remedies for victims, including complaints mechanisms, whistleblower protections, and compensation.
The government should:. Follow-up telephone interviews were conducted in May , amid a nationwide lockdown to contain the Covid pandemic. In Haryana, we spoke with domestic workers and other women working in the informal sector, trade union officials, and women rights activists. The report also draws upon secondary literature, including research conducted by other rights groups and trade unions, media reports, government statistics, and court rulings. Human Rights Watch, with the consent of the interviewees, received and has retained copies of relevant documents such as complaint letters and court documents.
Interviews were conducted in Hindi or English. In Tamil Nadu, most interviews were conducted in Tamil through an independent interpreter. For several people, the report uses pseudonyms and, on their request, identifying information has been withheld to protect their privacy and safety. Human Rights Watch provided no remuneration or other inducement to the interviewees.
The hashtag MeToo erupted globally in October , highlighting the pervasiveness of gender-based violence in the world of work. However, these have remained poorly enforced by the government and largely ignored by employers. Her job involved going door-to-door, and counseling women on a range of issues, including hygiene, and discouraging practices such as dowry, female infanticide, and child marriage. When she tried to stop the marriage of a 9-month-old baby belonging to the dominant Gujjar caste in the village, she was ostracized and then assaulted and gang-raped by members of the Gujjar community.
The accused were acquitted by a lower court in Rajasthan and the appeal is still pending in Rajasthan High Court, 28 years later. As a result, in the Supreme Court laid down norms and guidelines in Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan , mandating that employers take specific steps to protect female employees from sexual harassment in the workplace and to provide procedures for the resolution, settlement, or prosecution of such crimes.
The guidelines proposed a redress mechanism within the workplace in the form of a complaints committee. The committee would consist of employees and one external member and conduct hearings to address the complaints related to sexual harassment within an organization.
However, the Vishaka guidelines failed to explicitly address sexual harassment of women in the informal sector. It defines sexual harassment to include physical contact and advances, or a demand or request for sexual favors, or making sexually colored remarks, or showing pornography, or any other unwelcome physical, verbal, or non-verbal conduct of sexual nature.
Importantly, the law applies to all public and private employers and employees in both formal and informal sectors.
The politics of naming is shaped by broad socio-political conditions and can be studied from several angles. The paper concludes with a sample of contemporary reactions that show that this double-name formula remains a baffling subject for Indian citizens. Often, as I wandered from meeting to meeting, I spoke to my audiences of this India of ours, of Hindustan and of Bharata, the old Sanskrit name derived from the mythical founders of the race. It entails being aware of the simple and yet too often forgotten fact that words have a history of their own; they do not maintain the same signification throughout time. The terms with which we name reality participate in the construction of reality, in the perception that we have and give of it. It too had changed as everything changed around it. Those who, like Nehru, used them side by side understood their differences and knew how to interpret their contrasting usages, even if, given the complicated history of each, they did not agree on the nature of their differences.
Buddhism, founded in the late 6th century B.
It stands alongside Hindi and Bengali as one of the few languages with primary official language status in more than one Indian state. It is one of six languages designated a classical language of India by the country's government. Telugu ranks fourth among the languages with the highest number of native speakers in India , with nearly 82 million speakers as per the census ,  and 15th in the Ethnologue list of languages by number of native speakers. Speakers of Telugu refer to it as simply Telugu or Telugoo. Scholar Charles P.
Мидж задумалась. - Может. - Может .
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